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Common Dreams - July 5, 2019

Between the fall of 1999 and April of 2000, hundreds of thousands of factory workers, peasants, retirees, students, professionals, and everyday people took to the streets in Cochabamba, Bolivia, to fight the privatization of their water. A foreign-led consortium of private corporations had taken control of the city’s water supply, increasing water prices by as much as 300 percent. With the skills and experience of organized movements such as the Federation of Factory Workers, working people were able to defeat a multibillion-dollar corporation around a shared interest: the right to water.

In the face of a well-organized global elite that has gutted the power of workplace organizing, Cochabamba shows us that organizing the working class around a common interest and moving beyond the confines of the workplace provides an opening to push for—and win—a future that centers people over profit.

The Geography of the Present

Capitalism began to take on a new form in the 1970s with the arrival of new technologies that facilitated the rapid transportation of goods and communication about the production process. Neoliberalism, a policy framework that enriches the wealthy (by cutting taxes) and that demeans workers (by cutting opportunities and access to social wages), came to define the global economy.

The world was now connected in a way that enabled global capitalists to break up the production process, making it even more difficult for organized masses of working people to halt the production process and garner real power over the ruling elite. Now that the manufacturing of parts of the production process was spread across the world, the shutdown of a factory that manufactures car engines in China could easily be offset by the production of car engines in Mexico or Taiwan.

Vijay Prashad, director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, explains that “new technologies—such as satellite communications, computerization and container ships—provided firms with the ability to manage global, real-time databases and to move goods as fast as possible. Firms could break up factories and set them up in several countries at the same time—a process known as the disarticulation of production.” Advances in transportation further enabled this process so that “capital could move the parts of the commodity swiftly and relatively cheaply as well as shift commodities to markets with relative ease.”

This scenario is vastly different from the power generated—for example—by auto workers in Detroit in the mid-twentieth century, who were able to shut down the entire production process through strikes and slowdowns, and whose benefits and union contracts reflect the level of power they were able to exercise over their employers. Factories that were once the heart of the auto industry and the site of powerful worker organizing are now largely abandoned, their broken windows and crumbling walls a mirror of the changing landscape of production and the need for different strategies to organize around it.

The context for organizing today that faces working people across the world is one that must grapple with the challenges posed by a decentralized production process and a well-organized ruling class. We can see the current moment as a rupture of sorts—perhaps a way of understanding the global rise of fascism. Scapegoating in the form of xenophobia, racism, and religious fundamentalism—the well-worn tools of capitalism’s strategy to divide the working class—fills an ideological void and presents a solution to the anger stoked by the everyday realities of the working class who are faced with massive inequality and pauperization. It is to this anger that the left must respond; to provide an ideology that seeks to understand its origins and to shape cultural mechanisms and ideologies that allow us to imagine—and build—a different path forward. ...
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